Choice Review
Historian Rosenfeld (Univ. of Virginia) answers this question: "How--and with what lingering consequences--did common sense develop its special relationship in modern times with the kind of popular rule that we call democracy?" That question originates in her reading of Hannah Arendt, who saw "common sense as the lifeblood of democracy." Providing a narrative of what happened while aiming to determine "whether Arendt was right," Rosenfeld's is a "philosophical history." Her wide-ranging account begins in the wake of the English Glorious Revolution of 1688, when "the modern history of common sense takes off." Important was Shaftesbury's essay "Sensus Communis" (1709). A key chapter explores the "Common Sense philosophers" (Thomas Reid, James Beattie, and James Oswald) in 18th-century Aberdeen. Also key was Philadelphia, where Thomas Paine's "Common Sense" (1776) employed common sense as "a weapon to be deployed against the sense of things that was ... actually common." For Rosenfeld, "populism" is not a 19th-century invention, but originates instead with James Cannon and others who drafted the "radical" Philadelphia Constitution of 1776. Chapter five explores revolutionary Paris. A concluding chapter, as its subtitle indicates, considers "The Fate of Common Sense in the Modern World." Summing Up: Recommended. Research libraries. M. G. Spencer Brock University
Library Journal Review
We often hear politicians and pundits speak of "common sense." Now Rosenfeld (history, Univ. of Virginia; A Revolution in Language) insightfully traces the turns the phrase has taken since it came into use in 18th-century urban centers. She covers London, where Joseph Addison and Richard Steele offered common sense in The Spectator as a calming answer to conflicting opinion after the Glorious Revolution; Aberdeen, where a group of Presbyterians found a shared capacity to see waywardness in the skeptical thinkers of the Scottish Enlightenment; Amsterdam, where a circle of French writers used the term impiously to mock conventional wisdom; and Philadelphia, where Thomas Paine employed common sense as a means to bring down a government. Here, too, is Paris, where those against the Revolution used common sense to critique democracy. Rosenfeld treats the post-18th-century era more briefly in a final chapter. VERDICT Readers may only be disappointed that Rosenfeld does not cover recent times, most especially today's conservative purveyors of common sense. Her book is a model of how a fine work of history may enlighten readers about polemics without being a polemic itself. Rich, graceful, often witty, this is very highly recommended for academic and serious readers.-Bob Nardini, Nashville (c) Copyright 2011. Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.